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Washington, D.C. has been power-hungry for decades. The hubris of Congress has gone too far.

Because Congress is taking moves in the shadows to handcuff President Trump on the international stage.

Lawmakers Rush to Cripple Trump’s Iran Strategy Before It Even Begins

Republican Kentucky Rep. Thomas Massie unveiled a resolution on Tuesday to shackle President Donald Trump’s ability to support Israel in potential military strikes against Iran. Massie, a libertarian known for straying from GOP orthodoxy on foreign policy, claims the Iran-Israel conflict is “not our war.” His resolution, which demands congressional approval for any military action against Iran, seems less about principle and more about undermining a president who hasn’t even signaled intent to engage militarily. This premature effort exposes the hubris of Congress, where some lawmakers are more eager to flex their authority than to trust Trump’s measured approach.

Massie’s unlikely alliance with far-left Democrats, led by California Rep. Ro Khanna, reveals the strange bedfellows born of anti-Trump fervor. Khanna, alongside progressive firebrands like Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar, Michigan Rep. Rashida Tlaib, Massachusetts Rep. Ayanna Pressley, and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, is pushing this war powers resolution to block what they call “unauthorized hostilities” with Iran. Their rhetoric paints Trump as a warmonger, despite his administration’s restraint in joining Israel’s strikes on Iran. This resolution, likely doomed to be a symbolic gesture due to House GOP leadership’s expected refusal to bring it to a vote, highlights a Congress more interested in grandstanding than governance.

Thomas Massie is also closely connected to the likes of internet podcaster Dave Smith, who has recently shared online that he is “sorry” for voting and supporting President Trump in the 2024 election and now wants to see President Trump impeached, removed from office, and put behind bars. For what exactly? Well simply helping Israel defensively prevent Iranian bombs from hitting Israeli citizens. Thomas Massie has specifically said he wants to see “more people like Dave Smith” after they were hanging out earlier this year.

The reality is that many of the Thomas Massies and Dave Smiths of the world were ready to harshly criticize Donald Trump the moment Israel made any move against Iran. There is no level of evidence that would be clear enough for the heads-in-the-sand isolationists to agree with Israel being justified to strike Iran and its nuclear facilities. That much is true by the fact that many non-governmental, non-partisan organizations and physicists, as well as those around the world, agree that Iran was within weeks or months of having a nuclear bomb that could be detonated. As some have stated, their hatred for Israel will extend to anyone who is willing to work with Israel in any capacity, even one just helping Israel defend their citizens.

The resolution’s supporters lean heavily on historical skepticism, with Tlaib invoking past failures to justify their preemptive strike against Trump’s authority. “We were lied to about ‘weapons of mass destruction’ in Iraq that k*lled millions + forever changed lives,” Tlaib posted on X Monday in an endorsement of the war powers resolution. “It’s unconst’l for Trump to go to war without a vote in Congress.”

Her words, while emotionally charged, sidestep the reality that Trump has not proposed war with Iran. Instead, he’s navigating a delicate balance, urging restraint while keeping pressure on Tehran. Congress’s rush to tie his hands betrays a lack of faith in his diplomatic instincts.

Across the Capitol, Democratic Virginia Sen. Tim Kaine is mirroring Massie’s effort with a similar Senate measure to curb Trump’s war powers on Iran. This coordinated push suggests a broader agenda to neuter the president’s foreign policy before he can fully shape it. Kaine’s involvement lends a veneer of bipartisanship, but the core of this movement—driven by Massie’s libertarian isolationism and the far-left’s reflexive opposition to Trump—feels more like a power grab than a defense of constitutional checks and balances. Their actions risk sending a message of weakness to Iran at a time when strength is needed.

Trump, for his part, has shown no eagerness to plunge America into conflict. His administration has refrained from joining Israel’s attacks on Iran, opting instead for pointed warnings to Tehran’s leadership. On Tuesday, he took to Truth Social to demonstrate his restraint while keeping options open: “We know exactly where the so-called ‘Supreme Leader’ is hiding,” Trump posted, referring to Iran’s leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. “He is an easy target, but is safe there — We are not going to take him out (k*ll!), at least not for now. But we don’t want missiles shot at civilians, or American soldiers. Our patience is wearing thin.” This clarity and caution stand in stark contrast to Congress’s knee-jerk attempt to micromanage his strategy.

The coalition behind Massie’s resolution, though divided on domestic issues, shares a deep-seated aversion to U.S. military engagement abroad. Massie’s libertarian streak often puts him at odds with GOP hawks, while his Democratic co-sponsors rarely miss a chance to critique American foreign policy. Their unity on this issue, while notable, feels less like principled non-interventionism and more like a calculated swipe at Trump. By assuming he’ll act recklessly without evidence, they’re projecting their own biases onto a president who’s proven adept at keeping adversaries guessing.

House GOP leadership, keenly aware of the resolution’s divisive potential, is poised to block it from reaching the floor. Earlier this Congress, they stifled similar attempts to limit Trump’s tariff authority, and they’re likely to take the same tack here. With the House in recess this week, Massie and Khanna’s earliest chance to force a vote is next Monday—a delay that further exposes the resolution’s performative nature. Their insistence on acting now, before Trump has even outlined a concrete Iran policy, smacks of distrust not just in the president but in the American people who elected him.

Critics of the resolution argue it’s a solution in search of a problem. Trump’s foreign policy, defined by pragmatism and unpredictability, has so far avoided the quagmires that plagued past administrations. His reluctance to commit U.S. forces to Israel’s fight with Iran shows a leader weighing options carefully, not one itching for war.

Yet Massie and his allies seem determined to paint him as a loose cannon, a narrative that serves their political ends but ignores the facts. Their resolution, draped in the language of constitutional duty, feels more like an attempt to score points than to safeguard national interests.

The Senate’s parallel effort, led by Kaine, adds another layer of congressional overreach. By introducing a measure to restrict Trump’s war powers, Kaine is echoing the House’s premature panic. This dual-front assault on the president’s authority risks muddying America’s stance on Iran, potentially emboldening Tehran at a critical juncture. Congress’s role in checking executive power is undeniable, but leaping to action before Trump has even acted suggests a deeper motive: to hobble a president they’ve never fully accepted.

Lawmakers like Massie and Khanna, cloaking their efforts in high-minded rhetoric, are less concerned with Iran’s actions than with constraining a president they distrust. Their rush to judgment, devoid of evidence, reveals a legislature more focused on political point-scoring than on supporting a unified American strategy. Trump’s restraint deserves better than this congressional sideshow.

Stay tuned to the DC Daily Journal.

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