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President Trump is dealing with a mess in Washington. The Capitol is having a nuclear meltdown.

Because a U.S. Senate civil war eruption has put President Trump and the White House in a panic.

GOP Senators Sabotage Trump’s Iran Strategy With Fracturing

President Donald Trump faces a critical moment in confronting Iran’s nuclear ambitions, but his own Republican Party in the Senate is fracturing his efforts. While Trump and GOP senators agree that Iran must never possess a nuclear weapon, the party’s internal divisions over military action, regime change, and support for Israel are creating roadblocks. Instead of rallying behind the president’s decisive leadership, some senators are pushing their own agendas, weakening the America First vision at a pivotal time.

The Senate Republican Conference is a house divided, with opinions ranging from hawkish calls for military intervention to dovish pleas for diplomacy. This lack of cohesion threatens to derail Trump’s strategy to neutralize Iran’s nuclear threat while keeping America’s interests first. The president, known for his deft negotiation skills, is navigating a complex geopolitical landscape, but his party’s infighting risks emboldening Iran and undermining U.S. strength.

Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky, a member of the Foreign Relations Committee, epitomizes the isolationist wing frustrating Trump’s goals. Paul insists on adhering to the Constitution’s Declare War Clause, predicting Trump won’t seek congressional approval for military action. “The president still continues to talk about negotiating, and that’s still my hope, is that he will, in the end, not bomb Iran in exchange for negotiations,” Paul said in a Wednesday interview with podcaster Tim Pool. “I will not vote to send one American to Iran. I’m not sending one American soldier over there and I will not support that.” His outright rejection of even airstrikes, claiming they make the U.S. a “combatant,” ignores the urgency of stopping Iran’s nuclear program.

Paul’s stance contrasts sharply with Trump’s need for a united front. By opposing any military involvement, Paul risks tying the president’s hands, forcing Trump to navigate Iran’s provocations without the full weight of GOP support. This isolationist posture could embolden Iran, which has spent years funding terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, as other senators have noted.

Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri expresses more confidence in Trump’s leadership, trusting the president to avoid a prolonged Middle East war while ensuring Iran doesn’t go nuclear. “Trump has handled this situation very deftly. I think his message has been pretty clear, which is that Iran is not going to get a nuke. So they can either surrender their nuclear program peaceably, and he’s willing to have the United States facilitate that, or the Israelis are going to blow their program to smithereens,” Hawley said Tuesday after speaking with Trump. Yet, Hawley’s reluctance to fully endorse U.S. assistance to Israel hints at hesitation that could weaken Trump’s leverage in negotiations.

Montana’s Sen. Tim Sheehy, a former Navy SEAL, further complicates Trump’s strategy by advocating against U.S. involvement. Sheehy calls wars “messy” and “unclear,” dismissing the idea that bombing Iran’s Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant could swiftly resolve the conflict as “completely unrealistic.” “Regime change can only come from one place and that’s the people of Iran. They have to make that decision. We’ve learned that the hard way in Iraq and Afghanistan, and I was a part of both those wars, where we chose to change regimes, and guess what? We ended up there for a long time in a war we didn’t understand, fighting for something not all Americans agree with,” Sheehy told CNN. His caution, while rooted in experience, risks leaving Trump without the support needed to project strength.

In contrast, North Carolina’s Sen. Thom Tillis aligns more closely with Trump’s goal of decisive action. Tillis supports toppling Iran’s regime, arguing it’s time to free the oppressed Iranian people. “If this is the opportunity to do it and the best military advice recommended to the president is to bust those bunkers, then bust those bunkers and get the leadership out of Tehran and give the Iranian people a chance to be free,” Tillis told CNN. “They are oppressed people. Iran has for years spent billions of dollars funding Hamas, Hezbollah and terrorist cells all around the world. It is time for regime change.” His clarity strengthens Trump’s position, but he remains in the minority among Senate Republicans.

Sen. Kevin Cramer of North Dakota also backs a stronger U.S. role, expressing frustration at the idea of Israel doing the heavy lifting without American assistance. “America First has never meant America only, never meant isolationism, and there are people who are part of the MAGA base who are isolationist, I understand that, so it’s complicated,” Cramer told reporters. He’d be “deeply disappointed” if the U.S. didn’t help Israel “finish the job” with bunker buster bombs, recognizing that inaction could harm global security. Cramer’s support for Trump is evident, but his call for intervention highlights the party’s split.

Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, a self-proclaimed “non-interventionist hawk,” supports regime change in Iran but prefers a popular uprising over U.S. military action. “Fordow was deliberately built deep into a mountain so Israel couldn’t take it out and there’s an active discussion because the U.S. has bunker buster bombs that are big enough to take out Fordow and Israel doesn’t,” Cruz told Tucker Carlson in a podcast episode released Wednesday. While Cruz’s stance aligns with Trump’s support for Israel, his reluctance to commit U.S. forces adds to the GOP’s fragmented approach.

South Carolina’s Sen. Lindsey Graham represents the hawkish extreme, pushing for joint military operations with Israel. “The sun is about to set on Iran’s nuclear ambitions,” Graham told Fox News Tuesday. “I’m hoping the President will give Israel the help they need to finish the job of the last nuclear site underground. If we accomplish destroying the Iranian nuclear program, it will be historic for the region and historic for the world.” Graham’s aggressive posture, while bold, risks pulling Trump into a conflict he’s cautiously navigating.

Graham’s rejection of Trump’s call for restraint further exposes the GOP’s disunity. “I would like to see this regime fall, but I will leave it up to the president as for what to do and when to do it, but I do know this, if we don’t take out their nuclear program now we’ll all regret it,” Graham said. “We’re very close. Be all in Mr. President in helping Israel finish the job, and let’s see where we’re at after we neutralize their nuclear program.” His public pressure on Trump undermines the president’s ability to negotiate from a position of strength.

The GOP’s internal divisions are a liability Trump doesn’t need. While senators like Tillis and Cramer offer robust support, others like Paul and Sheehy advocate for restraint that could weaken America’s stance against Iran. Trump’s leadership demands a party that stands firmly behind him, not one that splinters into competing factions.

The president’s strategy balances diplomacy with the threat of force, a hallmark of his America First approach. Yet, the Senate’s lack of consensus risks sending mixed messages to Iran, potentially prolonging the crisis. Trump deserves a united Republican Party to execute his vision effectively.

Making matters worse is the fact that in the U.S. House of Representatives, some Republicans have been outright hostile to Donald Trump. Thomas Massie has led the charge on legislation that will handcuff President Trump from being able to respond in the Iran-Israel conflict on the basis that only Congress has that authority. That is, of course, an extremely narrow view of executive order and a wide view of Congress’ war declaration authority.

It is notable that the same Republicans backing the legislation to prevent Donald Trump from being able to respond to the Iran-Israel conflict did not introduce the same legislation when Donald Trump quite literally went to war with ISIS in a major way during his first term.

Stay tuned to the DC Daily Journal.

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